Entrapped: John Nuttall, Amanda Korody, and Canada's Counterterrorism Crisis
Image by Ronin
BY Basema Al-Alami
October 2024
Imagine a young couple—John and Amanda—struggling to rebuild their lives on the margins of society. John, once obsessed with neo-Nazism and Satanism, finds peace in punk music. Amanda, his partner, shares his journey through addiction and poverty. Together, they live on welfare in a modest home in Vancouver, British Columbia, searching for meaning and community.
Their search leads them to convert to Islam—a decision that does not bring spiritual fulfillment but instead draws the attention of law enforcement. John’s vocal anger at global injustices against Muslims puts him on the radar of authorities. What begins as an attempt to find peace becomes the pretext for relentless surveillance.
This is not a story from fiction.
This is the story of how the Canadian government orchestrated the entrapment of two vulnerable people—John Nuttall and Amanda Korody—and how their case exposed the dangerous consequences of our country’s counterterrorism tactics (Baker, 2022).
In Canada, entrapment occurs (a) when law enforcement provides an opportunity to commit an offence without a reasonable suspicion that the individual was already engaged in criminal activity, or (2) when law enforcement goes beyond merely providing an opportunity and induces the commission of the offence (Mack, 1988).
Canada’s counterterrorism tactics, exemplified by the elaborate entrapment operation in the Nuttall case, illustrate a dangerous slide toward the over-policing of Muslim communities. This trend is further supported by a media narrative that perpetuates anti-Muslim bias and exaggerates the perceived threat posed by this group.
The Story: Manufacturing Terrorists
The escalation with law enforcement began when John’s neighbour reported overhearing John discussing explosive devices. Shortly after, a man from their mosque claimed that John had boasted about fictitious acts of violence. After a preliminary investigation, law enforcement agencies concluded that John and Amanda posed no actual threat, and the claims of violence were mere fantasy (Berman, 2022).
Despite these findings, in early 2013, law enforcement, led by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), launched the expansive Project Souvenir, a sting operation aimed at entrapping John and Amanda. The operation was set in motion after the RCMP received a tip from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), stating that John, a recent convert to Islam, had been espousing jihadist ideas and had allegedly purchased potassium nitrate, a component used in explosives, from a local pharmacy (Nuttall, 2016).
However, as per the court’s finding, the CSIS tip was unverified and lacked substantial details (Nuttall, 2016). Surveillance cameras set up outside John and Amanda’s home revealed no suspicious activity and no evidence of criminal plotting. Despite this, the RCMP proceeded with Project Souvenir, intensifying the operation rather than reassessing the lack of threat.
This marked a dark turning point in the case.
In March 2013, “Uncle Abe” appeared—an undercover RCMP officer posing as a sympathetic friend. Abe provided groceries, money, and spiritual advice, gradually embedding himself in the couple’s lives. He fueled John’s anger and fantasies of vengeance. Although John had expressed violent fantasies, law enforcement ultimately concluded that he posed no actual threat, as his behavior had never escalated beyond speech or fantasy before law enforcement intervention. (Nuttall, 2016).
By Canada Day in July 2013, John and Amanda placed what they believed to be explosives at the British Columbia Legislature, only to be arrested immediately after (Luk, 2014). The bombs were inert, part of the RCMP’s fabricated plot.
Ultimately, the proceedings in the case were stayed by the Supreme Court of British Columbia, which concluded that the police had manufactured the crime of terrorism. This decision was later upheld by the British Columbia Court of Appeal.
The Construction of the Enemy
The elaborate sting operation in the Nuttall case is not an anomaly. In fact, there have been 62 terrorism prosecutions in Canada to date, with just over half resulting in convictions (Nesbitt et al., 2023). Most of these cases have been resolved, yet they reveal a troubling pattern. Legal scholars have noted that terrorism prosecutions disproportionately target Muslims, raising concerns about over-policing of Muslim communities and under-policing of far-right groups.
This discrepancy between how Muslims and far-right extremists are treated under Canada's national security framework is not speculative; it is well-documented. Muslims are not only more likely to experience intense police scrutiny but are also less likely to receive protection from law enforcement when targeted by hate crimes (Roach, 2023). This dynamic contributes to a broader pattern of constructing Muslims as the “enemy” within national security discourse.
Take, for example, the 2017 Quebec City mosque shooting. A 27-year-old white man entered the mosque during evening prayers, armed with a semi-automatic rifle and a Glock pistol. He killed six men and critically injured five more in a mere two minutes (Nerestant, 2022). The attacker, motivated by white supremacist beliefs and angered by Canada’s acceptance of migrants from Muslim-majority countries, was charged with first-degree murder but not under terrorism provisions. Even though the law, as amended, allows for first-degree murder charges on the basis of terrorist activity, the attacker was never labeled a terrorist.
Similarly, in June 2021, a 23-year-old white man, motivated by anti-Muslim hatred, drove a pickup truck into a Muslim family in London, Ontario, killing four and leaving a 9-year-old boy as the sole survivor. The RCMP’s initial press release labeled the incident a “vehicle attack,” downplaying the terrorist motive (Canadian Press, 2021). While terrorism charges were eventually added, their delayed timing raises concerns that they were more symbolic and responding to external pressures rather than substantive. The contrast in how late these charges were brought, compared to the sweeping terrorism accusations made against Muslim suspects, is glaring.
These tragedies are not isolated. Between 2001, when Canada’s Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) introduced terrorism offences, and 2019, not a single far-right extremist in Canada was charged with terrorism, even though far-right violence claimed more lives domestically than Al-Qaida-inspired extremism during that same period (Roach, 2021). In contrast, terrorism charges disproportionately targeted Muslims, even in cases where no credible threat existed.
The Nuttall case exemplifies this pattern of over-policing. Despite a lack of evidence and warnings from legal advisors about creating a “police-generated crime,” the RCMP pressed forward with Project Souvenir. Surveillance cameras installed outside John and Amanda’s home showed no suspicious behavior. The couple stayed close to their residence, playing video games and paintball. Yet, the RCMP persisted, staging 28 undercover scenarios over five months. The operation escalated, not because of any credible threat, but due to an anonymous, unverified tip from CSIS.
The question remains: why did the RCMP proceed? The answer likely lies in a combination of inaccurate intelligence, discriminatory tips, and orientalist assumptions that conflate Muslimness with terrorism. Testimony from the Nuttall trial reveals that the risk of entrapment was raised early on in the investigation. One corporal even expressed concerns that if the RCMP paid John, he would commit any crime they wanted. Notes from a sergeant’s briefing included passages from R v Mack, the leading case on entrapment law in Canada, yet the RCMP continued undeterred (Nuttall, 2016).
In fact, John’s proposals were, at best, grandiose fantasies—such as hijacking a nuclear submarine to hold the world hostage. Yet the RCMP chose to pursue a sting operation, spending over $1 million in overtime pay for 150 Mounties, rather than reevaluating the case's merit (FIPA, 2016). The aftermath played out like a carefully orchestrated PR campaign, with the RCMP claiming they had foiled a terrorist plot, while the media painted John and Amanda as dangerous radicals (CBC A, 2013). The reality is that their story was one of entrapment, not ideological extremism.
Image by Nick Amaya
Post-9/11 and the Dangers of Totalitarianism
Since 9/11, Muslims have often been cast as the global “other”—the ever-present threat that must be surveilled, controlled, and de-radicalized. This narrative, deeply ingrained in national security policies, has led to a widespread perception of Muslims as the common enemy, a tactic historically used by totalitarian regimes to justify state overreach.
Of the first 60 charges laid under Canada’s ATA, 59 were against Muslims. This is not coincidental; it is part of a broader pattern where Muslim identity has been constructed as synonymous with terrorism. Meanwhile, far-right terrorism—an equally dangerous and rising threat—has been largely under-policed. This stark disparity exposes how certain communities are deemed enemies of the state, while others are insulated from surveillance and oversight.
At its core, the case of John Nuttall and Amanda Korody exemplifies a dangerous slide toward totalitarianism. The construction of an enemy, a tactic that has long been used by authoritarian regimes, is evident in how Muslims are portrayed in national security discourse. By positioning Muslims as the ever-present threat, the state justifies increasingly aggressive measures—surveillance, manipulation, and entrapment. This narrative is not unique to Canada. Across the world, regimes have relied on propaganda to create a sense of perpetual danger from a constructed enemy. Through sting operations like Project Souvenir, the state manufactures threats where none exist, manipulating vulnerable individuals into criminal acts that justify further repression.
Propaganda plays an important role in this slide toward totalitarianism. The media, in its coverage of cases like Nuttall, often amplifies the state’s narrative, portraying them as dangerous radicals bent on destroying society. This messaging is not incidental—it is a deliberate tool used to shape public perception and justify draconian measures. The coverage of the Project Souvenir case, for instance, painted John and Amanda as “Islamist terrorists,” suggesting they were part of a larger global threat (CBC B, 2013). The language used was couched in an “us vs them” framework, reinforcing a narrative of Muslims as an ever-present enemy, foreign to Canadian values, bent on destruction.
In this telling, they—the Muslims—are a danger to us, the Canadian public. The media’s portrayal ignored the reality of John and Amanda’s manipulation by law enforcement and instead served to uphold the state’s broader strategy of constructing Muslims as the “other”" This “us vs them” narrative is not just harmful—it is propaganda designed to entrench fear, divide communities, and justify ever-expanding state powers. It reinforces the idea that the Muslim community is inherently suspicious and that any actions against them—no matter how invasive or unjust—are in the interest of protecting the broader public.
The media’s complicity in this narrative further entrenches the state’s power to surveil and control Muslim communities under the guise of national security. Contrast this with the media’s handling of far-right violence. In cases like the Quebec City mosque shooting or the London, Ontario attack, the language is far more restrained. Far-right attackers are rarely labeled as “terrorists.” Instead, the language used often distances the perpetrators from ideological extremism, describing them as lone wolves or mentally unstable individuals. This framing insulates far-right actors from being seen as part of a larger systemic threat, unlike Muslims who are consistently portrayed as part of a broader, existential danger to society.
In February 2020, a violent attack at a Toronto spa led to terrorism charges against a 17-year-old suspect due to his incel-ideology. In contrast, Alek Minassian, who had similar motivations when he killed 10 people in a 2018 Toronto van attack, did not face terrorism charges (Al-Alami, 2024). Similarly, others charged with crimes that appear to align with terrorism have avoided such charges. For instance, Nathaniel Veltman’s Islamophobic attack on a Muslim family in London initially resulted in murder charges before being upgraded to include terrorism. However, Alexandre Bissonnette, the Quebec City mosque shooter in 2017, was not charged with terrorism, despite similar motives (Al-Alami, 2024). These inconsistencies raise a critical question: why are far-right extremists often spared terrorism charges, while those motivated by Islamic extremism are not?
Canada prides itself on being a democratic nation committed to the rule of law and human rights. Yet, when national security becomes a pretext for entrapment, over-policing, and discrimination, we risk eroding the very values that define us. By embracing the tactics of totalitarian regimes—constructing enemies, expanding surveillance, and fostering fear through propaganda—we are moving closer to totalitarianism.
Image by William Gevorg Urban
REFERENCES:
Al-Alami, Basema (2024), “Is Canada finally taking far-right extremism seriously? Latest arrests are a positive sign.” The Conversation June 6.
Baker, Rafferty (2022). “Couple accused in 2013 plot to plant bombs at B.C. Legislature sue police.” CBC News August 30.
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/nuttall-korody-lawsuit-filed-1.6567388
Berman, Sarah (2022). “Pressure Cooker.” CBC News September 28.
https://www.cbc.ca/newsinteractives/features/john-nuttall-amanda-korody-rcmp-terror
Canadian Press (2021). “The latest news developments on the fatal attack in London, Ont.” Ottawa CityNews June 8.
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FIPA (2016). “Cost of RCMP ‘Project Souvenir’ (BC Leg Bombing).” FIPA BC.
Luk, Vivian (2014). “Mother stands by son accused in 2013 Canada Day bomb plot.” The Globe and Mail July 2.
Nerestant, Antoni (2022). “Quebec City mosque shooter must get chance at parole after 25 years, Supreme Court rules.” CBC News May 27.
Nesbitt, Michael, West, Leah, and Amarasingam, Amarnath (2023). “The Elusive Motive Requirement in Canada’s Terrorism Offences: Defining and Distinguishing Ideology, Religion, and Politics.” Osgoode Hall Law Journal Vol. 60, Iss. 3.
Roach, Kent (2021). “Counterterrorism and the challenges of terrorism from the far right.” Common Law World Review, 50(1), 3-20.
Roach, Kent (2023). “The Need to Better Understand the Over-Policing and Under-Protection of Muslims.” In Systemic Islamophobia in Canada, edited by Anver Emon, Chapter 13.
Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2023). “Individual associated with Atomwaffen Division charged with terrorism and hate propaganda.” July 5.
R v Mack, [1988] 2 SCR 903 [Mack].
R v Nuttall, 2016 BCSC 73 at paras 4, 52-53 [Nuttall].
Basema Al-Alami is a doctoral candidate at the University of Toronto Faculty of Law, specializing in criminal law, national security, and anti-terrorism law. She holds a JD from Osgoode Hall Law School and an LLM from the University of Toronto Faculty of Law. Basema has presented her research at both national and international conferences, and she currently teaches Canadian Constitutional Law at Windsor Law.
Cite this article as: Al-Alami, Basema. October 2024. 'Entrapped: John Nuttall, Amanda Korody, and Canada's Counterterrorism Crisis.' Today's Totalitarianism. https://todaystotalitarianism.com/entrapped-canada's-counterterrorism-crisis